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A bi-weekly audio series and podcast service, hosted by Committee on Conscience Project Director Bridget Conley-Zilkic, that brings you the voices of human rights defenders, experts, advocates, and government officials. Vital voices addressing one of humanity's most vital issues. The opinions expressed in these interviews do not necessarily represent those of the Museum.

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Part II: What To Do About Darfur
Interview: Sudan analysts John Prendergast and Alex de Waal continue the debate about how best to resolve the conflict in Darfur.
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Part 1:  What to do about Darfur? A Debate between John Prendergast and Alex de Waal
Interview: Two of the leading analysts on Sudan, John Prendergast and Alex de Waal, debate solutions to the crisis in Darfur.
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What To Do About Darfur
If you missed Wednesday's mano a mano between John Prendergast and Alex de Waal, the audio is now up here. Transcript to follow presently.

Borders Without Boundaries
Interview: Award-winning actress and UNICEF Goodwill Ambassador Mia Farrow speaks with Jerry Fowler about her recent trip to eastern Chad and the Central African Republic, her views on the Chinese Olympics and her participation in the Fidelity Out of Sudan Campaign.
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Great, But Will Anyone Listen?
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon this week appointed Sudanese scholar Francis Deng as his special adviser for the prevention of genocide and mass atrocities, succeeding Juan Mendez in that position. Ambassador Deng had an effective tenure as Representative of the Secretary General on Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), during which time he developed very innovative yet widely accepted guiding principles for the treatment of IDPs. And he was perhaps the first to speak of sovereignty as responsilibity, an idea that has been reflected in the concept of a "responsibility to protect." There are obviously a lot of questions as to whether anyone, starting with the Secretary General, will listen to him. But as was the case with Juan Mendez, Francis Deng is as good as they come.

B is for . . .
President Bush announced on Tuesday implementation of the so-called "Plan B" to pressure the Sudanese government on Darfur. Details were laid out last month in a speech at the Holocaust Memorial Museum. Reaction was fairly predictable. Most advocates felt it was too little, too late. China and Russia felt it was too much, too soon. Former White House official Michael Gerson argued that it was a "big enough stick" in his WaPo op-ed column. Ditto the New York Times. UN officials want more time (no, really) for diplomacy.

Tick, tock. Tick, tock.

And the Sudanese government? Check out Dana Milbank's harsh sketch of the Sudanese Ambassador's Wednesday press conference -- better stock up on your Coca-Cola.

(Photo © Mrs. Reed | Sarah.)

Mass Murder versus Individual Tragedy
Interview: Paul Slovic is a Professor of Psychology at the University of Oregon and a founder and President of Decision Research. He studies human judgment, decision making and risk analysis. Paul has received many distinguished awards, among one of them, the Outstanding Contribution to Science Award from the Academy of Oregon of Science in 1995. In addition, Paul has received honorary doctorates from the Stockholm School of Economics and the University of East Anglia. Paul speaks with Jerry Fowler about a case study he conducted. He explains people’s response to mass murder and genocide versus individual tragedy.
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Naming Violence
Interview: Scott Straus, Assistant Professor of Political Science and International Studies at the University of Wisconsin-Madison teaches classes on genocide, violence, human rights, and African politics. His book, The Order of Genocide: Race, Power, and War in Rwanda, won a prestigious award in 2006 for Excellence in Political Science and Government from the Professional and Scholarly Publishing Division of the Association of American Publishers. Scott speaks with Jerry Fowler, using Cote D’Ivoire (Ivory Coast) as a case study, to discuss the causes and the dynamics that must be in place to propel a situation towards genocide and mass violence.
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Growing up in Darfur
Interview: Omer Ismail, co-founder of the Darfur Peace and Development organization, and native Darfurian speaks with Jerry Fowler about the social and cultural factors surrounding the conflict in Darfur. Omer highlights the move from a tolerant society to one with a high level of violence centered on group identity, the effects of global warming, and the role of the Sudanese government.
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Listen to the People
Interview: Dr. Steven Kull, Director of the Program for International Policy Attitudes and Editor of WorldPublicOpinion.org speaks with Jerry Fowler about the recently released public opinion poll on the United Nations' Responsibility to Protect in general as well as specifically in the case of Darfur.
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Reality Bites
Past VoGP guest Alex de Waal recently had a must read article in the Nation. Among his key points:
[M]any among Darfur's Arab tribes--most of which have until now remained neutral in the conflict--are shifting toward the rebels. (The depiction of the Darfur war as "Arabs" versus "Africans," always simplistic, is becoming more and more of a misrepresentation as the conflict drags on.) But although they are winning the battles, the holdout rebels are politically fragmented and have no plan for what to do with their military momentum. Most of them want to go back to the negotiating table, but they won't do so unless they get the chance to revise the text of the Darfur Peace Agreement. . . .

Recent diplomatic arguments have been over the makeup of [a UN-AU peacekeeping] force, but there's no strategic plan for how to achieve stability in Darfur. Security cannot be imposed with 20,000 troops, or even 100,000 troops, in the absence of a peace agreement. An effective peacekeeping operation will be nine parts community liaison and political intelligence to one part force. This requires a long-term vision of how peacekeepers will work with tribal chiefs and the men who run village self-defense groups to bring security, peace and reconciliation to the region. But what's needed first is a political deal. . . .

Resolution of Sudan's crises must be guided by two realities. The first is that a popular vote for separation of the South is far more likely than a vote for unity. Most Southern Sudanese say they are waiting patiently for the 2011 referendum. If that vote is free and fair, most will vote for independence. . . . The second reality is that Khartoum's security cabal and [ruling party] operators are sufficiently powerful that they can thwart any plan if their core interests are not taken into account. The choice will be between a soft landing for Bashir and a new conflict that puts at risk the peace of Naivasha and deepens the crisis in Darfur.
(Hat tip: BKC-Z)

Arresting Development
Acting on a request by the Chief Prosecutor, a judge of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in the Hague has issued arrest warrants for two Sudanese -- a high-ranking government official who handled the "Darfur Security Desk" in the Interior Ministry in 2003-2004 and a top Janjaweed leader. They are charged with crimes against humanity and war crimes in Darfur.

Theoretically, the Sudanese government is required to arrest and hand over the two by virtue of UN Security Council Resolution 1593. Uh, right. Not surprisingly, Khartoum wasted no time in shooting the bird at the ICC, or whatever the Sudanese equivalent of that gesture is. The Justice Minister told the Associated Press:
Our position is very, very clear: The ICC cannot assume any jurisdiction to judge any Sudanese outside the country. . . . Whatever the ICC does is totally unrealistic, illegal and repugnant to any form of international law.
So the Security Council could take some coercive action -- sanctions or the like -- to pressure Khartoum to cooperate. Sound unlikely? If so, it will be up to the 104 members of the ICC itself, which includes 38 European nations and 29 African ones, to make Khartoum feel some heat. If Khartoum succeeds in defying the ICC, on the other hand, it will affirm impunity and seriously undermine the ICC's legitimacy.

(Photo © abardwell.)

What the Committee on Conscience Staff is Reading
Advocate for the Doomed: The Diaries and Papers of James G. McDonald, 1932-1935, edited by Richard Breitman, Barbara McDonald Stewart, and Severin Hochberg. McDonald traveled to Germany in 1932 and in 1933 became League of Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. He sought aid from the international community to resettle outside the Reich Jews and others persecuted there. This diary shows McDonald shuttling back and forth among key political and financial authorities in the United States, Germany, Britain, France, Latin America, and the Vatican; all the time meticulously recording his insights into their thoughts and motives. Frustrated by the lack of support for his work, McDonald resigned in protest in December 1935 (David Klevan).

Burundi: Children Behind Bars Suffer Abuse, Human Rights Watch Report. Children in Burundi who find themselves in conflict with the law face serious abuses in a criminal justice system that treats them as adults (Jackie Scutari).

"The Wars of Sudan", by Alex de Waal in The Nation, March 19, 2007 (Bridget Conley-Zilkic).

Darfur: Assault on Survival--A Call for Security, Justice, and Restitution, by John Heffernan (Kadian Pow).

Several books I have been reading over the past couple of weeks:
The Broken Branch: How Congress Is Failing America and How to Get It Back on Track, by Thomas E. Mann and Norman J. Ornstein. Named one of the "Best Books of 2006" by Washington Post Book World.

Running on Empty: How the Democratic and Republican Parties Are Bankrupting Our Future and What Americans Can Do About It, by Peter G. Peterson.

The Good Fight: Why Liberals -- And Only Liberals -- Can Win the War on Terror and Make America Great Again, by Peter Beinart.

The Looming Tower: Al-Qaeda and the Road to 9/11, by Lawrence Wright. Recent Pulitzer Prize winner in the general-nonfiction category. An interesting and informative account of the events leading up to the formation of Al-Qaeda and the 9/11 attacks, looking into the personal lives of both counter-terrorism authorities in the US and founders of Jihadist ideology and Al-Qaeda.
(Max Wilson)

Plan B…Not Enough?
Interview: Gayle Smith, Senior Fellow at the Center for American Progress and a founder of the ENOUGH Project, responds to President George W. Bush's speech at the US Holocaust Memorial Museum last week where he announced several policy options the United States will pursue to stop the genocide in Darfur; what has become known as Plan B.
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What the Committee on Conscience Staff is Reading
"The Pope and Islam" by Jane Kramer, author of The New Yorker's "Letter from Europe" series for more than twenty years (John Heffernan).

War and Genocide: A Concise History of the Holocaust, by Doris Bergen. In examining one of the defining events of the 20th century, Doris Bergen situates the Holocaust in its historical, political, social, cultural, and military contexts (Kadian Pow).

The Buried Mirror: Reflections on Spain and the New World, by Carlos Fuentes. The Los Angeles Times says: "Drawing expertly on five centuries of the cultural history of Europe and the Americas, Fuentes seeks to capture the spirit of the new, vibrant, and enduring civilization [in the New World] that began in Spain." (Bridget Conley-Zilkic)

A Darfurian Plan for Peace: Local Perspectives on a Global Responsibility, by Adeeb Yousif, human rights activist for Sudan Social Development Organization (SUDO). (Jackie Scutari)

Be sure to listen to Adeeb's interview with Bridget Conley-Zilkic from December 28, 2006.

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