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Voices on Genocide Prevention Podcast

A bi-weekly audio series and podcast service, hosted by Committee on Conscience Project Director Bridget Conley-Zilkic, that brings you the voices of human rights defenders, experts, advocates, and government officials. Vital voices addressing one of humanity's most vital issues. The opinions expressed in these interviews do not necessarily represent those of the Museum.


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USHMM/Michael Graham
On July 22, 2009, the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague delivered the final ruling on the boundary dispute over Abyei, an oil rich region claimed by both north and south Sudan. In May 2008, fighting in Abyei between the north and south resulted in the displacement of 50,000 people and destroyed the town. Today's ruling by the Court determined that several areas -- including the Heglig oilfield -- were not part of Abyei. Inhabitants of areas that are within the newly established borders have the right to vote on a referendum in 2011 on whether they want to be permanently a part of north or south Sudan. Both Sudanese parties have agreed to abide by the Court's decision.

Learn more about the history of Abyei and South Sudan.

Explore World is Witness and read about the 2008 attack on Abyei.

Listen to our podcast interview with Sudan expert Roger Winter, who was in Abyei shortly after it was destroyed.

Tags: Responses, Sudan


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John Norris, Executive Director of the Enough Project discusses how his organization is working to end genocide and crimes against humanity.

Tags: Human Rights, Responses


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On May 14th, the House introduced H.R. 2410, the Foreign Relations Authorization Act for Fiscal Years 2010-2011, which includes language requiring reports on the U.S. capacity to prevent genocide and mass atrocities. Section 1002 of the Bill specifically invokes the Genocide Prevention Task Force report, “The December 2008 Report of the Genocide Prevention Task Force, co-chaired by former Secretary of State Madeline Albright and former Secretary of Defense William Cohen offers a valuable blueprint for strengthening United States capacities to help prevent genocide and mass atrocities,” and calls for a feasibility assessment of implementing some key report recommendations and recommends to further strengthen U.S. capacity to prevent genocide and mass atrocities. In addition to the inclusion of language on atrocity prevention rather than response, this is significant because it also paves the way for the Senate to support key provisions from the House State Authorization Bill.

Policy Language:

SEC. 1002. REPORT ON UNITED STATES CAPACITIES TO PREVENT GENOCIDE AND MASS ATROCITIES.

(a) FINDINGS.—Congress finds the following:
(1) The lack of an effective government-wide strategy and adequate capacities for preventing genocide and mass atrocities against civilians undermines the ability of the United States to contribute to the maintenance of global peace and security and protect vital United States interests.
(2) The December 2008 Report of the Genocide Prevention Task Force, co-chaired by former Secretary of State Madeline Albright and former Secretary of Defense William Cohen offers a valuable blueprint for strengthening United States capacities to help prevent genocide and mass atrocities.
(3) Specific training and staffing will enhance the diplomatic capacities of the Department of State to help prevent and respond to threats of genocide and mass atrocities.

(b) REPORT.—
(1) REPORT REQUIRED.—Not later than 180 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State shall submit to the appropriate congressional committees a report outlining specific plans for the development of a government-wide strategy and the strengthening of United States civilian capacities for preventing genocide and mass atrocities against civilians.

(2) CONTENT.—The report required under paragraph (1) shall include the following:
(A) An evaluation of current mechanisms for government-wide early warning, information-sharing, contingency planning, and coordination of effort to prevent and respond to situations of genocide, mass atrocities, and other mass violence.
(B) An assessment of current capacities within the Department of State, including specific staffing and training, for early warning, preventive diplomacy, and crisis response to help avert genocide and mass atrocities.
(C) An evaluation of United States foreign assistance programs and mechanisms directed toward the prevention of genocide and mass atrocities, including costs, challenges to implementation, and successes of such programs and mechanisms.
(D) An assessment of the feasibility, effectiveness, and potential costs of implementing key recommendations made by the Genocide Prevention Task Force, including the establishment of an Atrocities Prevention Committee within the National Security Council and increased annual and contingency funding for the prevention of genocide and mass atrocities.
(E) Recommendations to further strengthen United States capacities to help prevent genocide, mass atrocities, and other mass violence, including enhanced early warning mechanisms, strengthened diplomatic capacities of the Department of State, and improved use of United States foreign assistance.

Tags: Prevention, Responses


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USHMM/Michael Graham
John Heffernan discusses his recent trip to the Congo and the importance of genocide prevention in an editorial piece published on May 22 in the Huffington Post:

Last week, the United Nations Security Council traveled to Ethiopia, Rwanda, Congo and Liberia to discuss Africa's hotspots -- areas that are threatened by genocide and mass atrocities. In a report on preventing genocide, former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and former Secretary of Defense William Cohen make the case for why preventing and responding to genocide and mass atrocities is in the moral and strategic interests of the United States. The 140 page report lays out 34 recommendations to point out a choice between doing nothing and embarking on large-scale military interventions. A recent trip I took to the Great Lakes region of Africa dramatically illustrated why this "blueprint" should be taken seriously, and why U.S. leadership is so important in this area.

In the dirt courtyard outside the United Nations-funded hospital wing, in the war-affected border city of Goma in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, I met Jean Paul, his tiny legs barely holding up his small torso. Inside the white stucco building, other children from the nearby displacement camp were not so lucky as they clung for life, skin hanging off their bones. Jean Paul, who had the most endearing brown eyes, managed to muster enough energy to lift his little hand to give me the internationally recognized high five. Although he appeared to be on the road to recovery, this child of war, who looked to be no more than two years old, held up five fingers when I asked him his age. Jean Paul, a vivid reminder of the consequences of the horrific human toll exacted by mass atrocities and genocide inflicted by man, may also be a reminder of humanity's capacity to prevent such episodes; episodes in which tens of millions have lost their lives over the last century.

I have seen it before in Darfur, Bosnia, Afghanistan, Kosovo and most recently Rwanda and Congo, the direct assault on human values through systematic massacres, forced displacements, mass rapes and the plundering and destruction of homes, wells, crops, livestock and assets meant to sustain life. I know how these horrific acts destroy lives and livelihoods. But these most heinous crimes, genocide and mass atrocities, also threaten U.S. national interests, and we must be better prepared to prevent them.

In Rwanda today significant problems persist, but with assistance from the U.S. and other international donors, the country has worked hard to recover from one of the most brutal massacres of modern times. While vigilance is required to prevent repetition of the past violence in Rwanda, neighboring Congo, a huge country where the Rwandan genocide sparked successive wars involving 7 neighboring countries and resulting in an estimated 5.4 million deaths in the last ten years, needs worldwide attention to help end the reoccurring violence.

Evidence of the spillover effects of the Rwanda genocide were nowhere more apparent than in the displaced persons camps just outside of Goma in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo where Jean Paul lives - camps that the U.S. and other international donors have been supporting since 1994. While aid to Rwanda and Congo supports many important reconciliation and emergency relief projects, early preventive action would surely have been less expensive and could have saved hundreds of thousands of lives.

There's a pattern. We know from past examples that genocide and mass atrocities in one country fuel threats in other weak and corrupt states, and can prompt the type of long term conflicts that know no boundaries. In Rwanda, with refugee flows spreading to Congo and beyond, the international community, including the U.S. was called on to absorb and assist displaced people, provide support for a massive and ongoing humanitarian relief effort. The longer we wait the more exorbitant the price tag. In Bosnia alone, the U.S. invested an estimated $15 billion to support peacekeeping forces in the years since we belatedly intervened to stop the atrocities.

What's needed in these cases is early, high-level attention, facilitated by standing institutional mechanisms within our own government, and then strong international partnerships that can form the basis for effective and coordinated action. We need a comprehensive prevention approach that begins with early warning mechanisms, and involves early action to address high-risk situations, timely diplomatic responses to emerging crises, and greater preparedness to employ military options when those are required.

The genocide prevention report clearly lays out a way forward, starting with the recommendation to create an interagency Atrocity Prevention Committee to analyze threats of genocide and mass atrocities and that warning of these threatened acts be an automatic trigger of policy review. Moreover, the report calls of an investment of $250 million - less than a dollar for every American each year -- in new funds for crisis prevention and response.

We know that the long-lasting consequences of genocide and mass atrocities are enormous. Reconciliation after the fact is possible and essential, but if we shift our focus to prevention rather than response, lives and livelihoods will be saved and threats to our national interest will be mitigated. But, as the Genocide Task Force report emphasizes, for it to work, leadership is the indispensable ingredient. Leadership from the president, Congress, and the American people --, nothing is more central to preventing genocide and mass atrocities. Time is not on the side of Jean Paul. We owe it to him and the millions like him, to make genocide prevention a priority, now.

Tags: Bosnia, DR Congo, Prevention, Responses, Rwanda, Sudan


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Award-winning filmmaker Anne Aghion discusses the three short films and one feature-length film she has produced and directed on a community-based justice process in Rwanda called gacaca. Her films present an intimate view of how Rwandans are living together after the genocide.

Tags: Responses, Rwanda


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In honor of next week's commemoration of the Holocaust, we are returning to an episode with Leo Melamed, who fled Nazi-occupied Poland as a child. He speaks about why he, as a survivor, feels that preventing and responding to genocide today is a critical part of the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum's mandate.

Tags: Holocaust, Legacies, Refugees, Responses


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Adam Smith, who comes from a family of Holocaust survivors and trained as an international lawyer, discusses his book After Genocide: Bringing the Devil to Justice. The book is critical of the current system of international justice.

Tags: Bosnia, Justice, Responses, Rwanda


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On March 4, 2009, the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant for Sudanese President Omar El-Bashir. Gabrielle Kirk McDonald, formerly a judge and president of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, discusses the significance of the ICC’s decision.

Tags: Justice, Responses, Sudan


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UN photo/Erin Siegal
On March 4, 2009, a Pre-Trial Chamber of the International Criminal Court (ICC) announced its historic decision to issue an arrest warrant charging Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir with five counts of crimes against humanity and two counts of war crimes for his leadership role in orchestrating the conflict in Darfur.

The charges against Mr. Bashir include murder, extermination, forcible transfer, torture, rape, intentionally directing attacks against a civilian population, and pillaging. Notably absent from the warrant is the charge of genocide.

This decision marks the first time the ICC has issued an arrest warrant for a sitting head of state.

Some have contended that an ICC indictment of the President of Sudan, which enforces international law and holds him accountable for his crimes, is necessary for sustained peace. Others are concerned that such an indictment could negatively impact the peace negotiations, prolonging war or perhaps even accelerating it – resulting in more deaths, sexual violence, destruction, and misery. These debates intensified in July 2008, when the ICC prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo presented evidence of crimes to a panel of ICC judges and asked them to issue an arrest warrant for Sudanese President al-Bashir on charges of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes for his leadership role in orchestrating violence in Darfur.

The Sudanese government has said it will resist the ICC request, contending that Bashir is innocent. Two others in Sudan – Ahmad Harun, Minister in charge of security, and Ali Kushayb, a janjaweed militia leader – were indicted for war crimes and crimes against humanity by the ICC in 2007. They were not considered senior enough to impact peace negotiations.

Following the announcement of the arrest warrant, the Sudanese government expelled several humanitarian aid agencies from Sudan, jeopardizing the lives of millions.

On March 5, 2009, the Museum issued a press statement, decrying the eviction of aid agencies in Darfur and Southern Sudan.

Podcast Interviews with Experts

Click here for a podcast interview with Gabrielle Kirk McDonald, formerly a judge and president of the ICTY, who discusses the significance of the ICC’s March 4 decision.

Click here for a podcast interview from July with international law expert William Schabas, who discusses the decision of the prosecutor for the ICC to request an arrest warrant for President Bashir.

Background on the International Criminal Court

Based in The Hague, the Netherlands, the International Criminal Court (ICC) is the first permanent judicial body established to try individuals for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. It prosecutes individuals when national courts are unable or unwilling to do so. The Court emerged from the 1998 Conference in Rome and came into force in 2002, after the 60th nation ratified the treaty. Presently, 108 state parties have joined the treaty.

Heavily engaged in ICC negotiations, the United States signed the Rome Statute under the Clinton administration in 2000, but identified certain aspects of the treaty requiring further negotiation. President Clinton recommended that the Senate delay ratification until U.S. concerns were met about the treaty’s jurisdiction over nationals of states that were non-parties for acts committed on territory of states party to the treaty and the prosecutor’s authority to initiate cases on his/her own. Citing these objections, the Bush administration effectively deactivated the U.S. signature on the Rome Statute in 2002.

Since 2002, the Court has received one referral from the United Nations Security Council for Darfur, Sudan and has accepted three state referrals in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Uganda, and the Central African Republic.

In 2005, the Security Council referred allegations of crimes in Darfur to the ICC. The council referral exempted the nationals of nonparties from any claim of jurisdiction on the part of the court and consequently the U.S. abstained from vetoing the resolution. The ICC subsequently opened an investigation into the crimes committed in Darfur.

Background on President Bashir

Born in 1944, Omar al-Bashir orchestrated a military coup in 1989 that overthrew President Sadeq al-Mahdi’s democratically elected government. He assumed control by banning all political parties and cracking down on the press and other rights. Shortly after attaining power, Bashir appointed himself chief of state, prime minister, and minister of defense.

In 1999, President Bashir consolidated his dictatorial control when he removed his chief threat: once ally and former leader of the National Islamic Front, Hassan al-Turabi, who was then serving as Speaker of the National Assembly. That same year, Bashir declared a state of national emergency, suspended the constitution, and disbanded the National Assembly.

In 2004, Bashir’s government negotiated an end to the two and a half decade civil war between north and south Sudan that killed at least 2 million people, mostly civilians, and displaced more than 4 million people. Around that same time, Bashir’s government started receiving criticism for its role in Darfur, Sudan’s western province where hundreds of thousands have died and millions have lost their homes since 2003. In July 2008, the International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo asked the court to issue an arrest warrant for President Bashir, charging him several counts of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes for the government’s role in orchestrating violence in Darfur.

Tags: Justice, Responses, Sudan


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Save Darfur in 2009
February 19, 2009

Jerry Fowler, president of the Save Darfur Coalition, provides an overview of what international activists have done on Darfur and what issues they are currently focusing on.

Tags: Humanitarian Update, Refugees, Responses, Sudan


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