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A bi-weekly audio series and podcast service, hosted by Committee on Conscience Project Director Bridget Conley-Zilkic, that brings you the voices of human rights defenders, experts, advocates, and government officials. Vital voices addressing one of humanity's most vital issues. The opinions expressed in these interviews do not necessarily represent those of the Museum.
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3/22/07
3/15/07
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Interview:
Former Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights from 1993 – 1998, and the United States Ambassador to the Czech Republic from 1998 – 2000, John Shattuck now heads the John F. Kennedy Library Foundation in Boston. In this interview, he discusses the politics of responding to genocide and the roadblocks encountered and caused by government agencies, the syndromes of past interventions gone bad, the public opinion stalemate, and the conflict resolution paradox. Mr. Shattuck concludes with ideas for bursting through these roadblocks and responding to low level conflicts before they turn into genocide.
This interview is the second of three that Voices on Genocide Prevention is producing in conjunction with Facing History and Ourselves. John Shattuck will participate in an online discussion on March 19th and 20th which you can join by registering here.
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3/15/07
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Just a reminder -- this week's interview with former Assistant Secretary of State John Shattuck is the second of three episodes that we are producing in conjunction with Facing History and Ourselves. Facing History is doing an online seminar, including online discussions with our guests. You can sign up for the seminar here.
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3/08/07
3/05/07
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Our next three regular episodes of Voices on Genocide Prevention will be collaborations (we actually don't like that word) with our friends at Facing History and Ourselves. Facing History is doing an online seminar, including online discussions with our guests after the programs. You can register here. And who are the guests? Professor Omer Bartov (pictured) of Brown University will discuss the legacy of Raphael Lemkin; former Assistant Secretary of State John Shattuck will discuss the politics of responding to genocide; and activist Rebecca Hamilton will discuss anti-genocide activism. And now might be a good time to mention that the theme music for the interviews is courtesy of Califone.
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3/05/07
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I wrote a couple of weeks ago about the resolution working its way way through the U.S. House that would recognize the killings of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire in 1915 and succeeding years as "genocide." There's a good chance the non-binding resolution will pass. WaPo's Jackson Diehl addresses the issue in Monday's paper: Here is a debate that could occur only in Washington -- a bizarre mix of frivolity and moral seriousness, of constituent pandering, far-flung history and front-line foreign policy. And that's just on the American side; in Turkey there is the painful struggle of a deeply nationalist society to come to terms with its past, and in the process become more of the Western democracy it wants to be. As I suggested before, Washington is not the best place for this discussion to take place, Turkey is. But the debate there has been short-circuited. As Diehl puts it: After all, historians outside of Turkey are pretty much unanimous in agreeing that atrocities against Armenians worthy of the term genocide did occur. Though Congress may look silly with its "findings," the continuing inability of the Turkish political class to come to terms with history, and temper its nationalism, may be the country's single most serious political problem. Prominent Turkish intellectuals, including a Nobel Prize winner, have been prosecuted in recent years under laws criminalizing "insults" to Turkey -- such as accurate accounts of the genocide. In January a prominent ethnic Armenian journalist was murdered by an ultranationalist teenager.
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2/26/07
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The International Court of Justice (ICJ) handed down its decision Monday in “Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro).” That’s the long name for the case that the government of Bosnia brought in 1993 against what was then known as the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) – Serbia and Montenegro. Since then, Serbia and Montenegro have also split. In the case, Bosnia contended that the FRY was violating its obligations under the UN Genocide Convention, by being responsible for genocide in Bosnia. The ICJ – not to be confused with the International Criminal Court (ICC) – is an organ of the United Nations that adjudicates disputes between states. Unlike the ICC, it does not determine individual criminal guilt.
The ICJ held Serbia very narrowly responsible for failing to prevent the massacres at Srebrenica and for failing to fulfill its obligations to cooperate with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in apprehending Bosnian Serb General Radko Mladic, who is accused of genocide at Srebrenica. Here are key findings: The court concluded that there was no genocide in Bosnia, except for the massacres in July 1995 around Srebrenica. Therefore, there could be no question of FRY responsibility for genocide, except with regard to its responsibility for Srebrenica. Because the ICJ was exercising jurisdiction under the Genocide Convention, it did not determine whether crimes against humanity or war crimes had been committed or FRY responsibilities for such crimes.
The FRY was not directly responsible for the genocide at Srebrenica, because the Bosnian Serb military units that carried out the Srebrenica massacres were not legally “organs” of the FRY, nor were the Bosnian Serb political and military leaders acting under the direction or control of the FRY.
The FRY was not responsible for “complicity in genocide,” a separate offense under the Genocide Convention, because it was not established that the FRY provided aid or assistance to the perpetrators at Srebrenica with knowledge that those perpetrators had the specific intent to commit genocide.
The court did, however, conclude that the FRY violated its duty to try to prevent genocide: In view of their undeniable influence and of the information, voicing serious concern, in their possession, the Yugoslav federal authorities should, in the view of the Court, have made the best efforts within their power to try and prevent the tragic events then taking shape [at Srebrenica in July 1995], whose scale, though it could not have been foreseen with certainty, might at least have been surmised. (Photo courtesy Ron Haviv.)
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2/22/07
2/19/07
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NATO troops raided the homes of Sasa and Sonja Karadzic in Bosnia early Tuesday morning. This is a bit of unfinished business from the 1990s. Their father, Radovan Karadzic, was president of the so-called Republika Srpska and is wanted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Along with Ratko Mladic, the Bosnian Serb military commander, he is the most notorious figure still at large. NATO troops have been in Bosnia since late 1995, and for much that time it has been believed that Karadzic was in Bosnia. An enduring question has been why NATO has not undertaken a more dedicated effort to apprehend him. (Photo © UN.)
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2/18/07
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Advocacy groups were up in arms last week over reports that new UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon was going to merge the office of special advisor for genocide prevention, currently held by Juan Mendez, into some other office. So the issue was raised with the SG by reporters on Thursday. His response: First of all on this, I read a report suggesting that this is again an unsubstantiated report on the organization of genocide. I have not taken any action on either downgrading – this was a wrong report – and I am looking at the shortlist of nominating a successor to Mr. Mendez on this matter. I have a high priority on this very important issue, to prevent genocide. That clarifies things, doesn't it?
(Photo of Ban Ki-Moon © UN.)
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2/17/07
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According to the Economist, Turkey's fraught relationship with America is heading into a new crisis. This may intensify anti-American feelings among millions of Turks. It could even hurt America's efforts to restore order in Iraq. What could lead to such a dire situation? Turns out Congress might consider a resolution that recognizes the Armenian Genocide as, well, genocide. The Economist explains: The fate of the Armenians remains Turkey's biggest taboo. Denying the official version, which says that Armenians killed Turks in larger numbers than they were killed themselves, has landed scores of Turkish academics and writers, including a Nobel prize-winning author, Orhan Pamuk, in court. Last month, a Turkish-Armenian editor, Hrant Dink, was murdered by an ultra-nationalist teenager, who accused Mr Dink of insulting Turkey. Americans might not welcome foreign characterization of the unpleasantness that accompanied the conquest of the American West. On the other hand, we're free to argue about that. Turkish citizens don't seem to enjoy the same right. Article 301 of the Turkish criminal code makes it a crime to "insult Turkishness." This provision and others are used against those who raise questions about the fate of the Armenians. Could the Turkish government offer repeal of article 301 and other laws that criminalize free speech as an alternative to foreign resolutions (18 and counting) recognizing the Armenian Genocide? (Headlines from New York Times, December 15, 1915.)
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2/17/07
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On Saturday's front page, the LA Times explores in depth the allegations by a French court that Rwandan President Paul Kagame was responsible for shooting down the plane of his predecessor, Juvenal Habyarimana. I've touched on this issue a couple of times before. The downing of the plane, of course, was immediately followed by the Rwanda genocide, during which some 800,000 civilians were murdered, including about 3 out of every 4 members of the country's Tutsi minority. Kagame is a Tutsi, and like most of the members of his Rwanda Patriotic Front grew up in exile outside of Rwanda. The genocide was planned and executed by extremist leaders of the country's Hutu majority.
To be honest, I'm not sure that the allegations of the French court have any more validity than Oliver Stone's docu-fantasy JFK, which suggested that a vast conspiracy including Vice-President Lyndon Johnson was responsible for the assassination of President John Kennedy. But what if Kagame did orchestrate the downing of the plane? I think that would raise two separate questions. The first is what it would say about Kagame himself. The second is what it would say about the Rwanda genocide as a whole. As to the first question, it would suggest that Kagame is a ruthless leader, willing to use violence to achieve his goals. That should come as no surprise. He was, after all, a leader of the RPF when it launched an armed invasion of Rwanda in October 1990. And he also ordered bloody incursions into the Democratic Republic of Congo in 1996 and 1998.
But assuming that Kagame ordered the downing of Habyarimana's plane, does that change anything we know about the genocide? Not really. The inescapable fact of the genocide is that it was planned in advance and executed in a most determined manner by identifiable individuals, many of whom are being tried at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in Arusha, Tanzania. There was nothing spontaneous or organic about the genocide. If the extremists who planned and orchestrated it did not kill Habyarimana themselves as a signal to start the violence, as many believe, they undoubtedly would have found another signal. They were bent on mass murder in order to protect their own power and privilege, and mass murder they committed. The search for truth in Habyarimana's killing is important, but we shouldn't let that search obscure the truth of the hundreds of thousands of killings that followed.
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2/15/07
2/06/07
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While Jerry has already blogged on this, I think the absurd hypocrisy of President’s Jintao’s actions on his recent visit to Khartoum warrants yet another entry. As we know, all eyes were focused on Chinese President Hu Jintao’s recent trip to Khartoum with the hope that he might read the riot act to Sudanese President al-Bashir for the scorched-earth campaign he has waged upon his own citizens in Darfur. Perhaps falling into the category of wishful thinking on a grand scale, many had hoped that Jintao would relay to his Sudanese counterpart that he was sick and tired of the complaints he keeps hearing from the international community, so if Bashir could try and put an end to the violence, Jintao would really appreciate it. To show his appreciation, Jintao offered his good friend almost $13 million to build a new palace. I imagine that he hopes for improved accommodations on his next trip. Having lived for two years in Khartoum one could not ask for a better view than that of the mighty Blue Nile. In an effort to reward bad behavior, he also scrapped $70 million in Sudanese debts to China. One can only wonder about the extent of Jintao’s largess when the government of Sudan stops engaging in genocidal acts against its own people.
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2/01/07
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Interview:
A pattern of cross-border attacks continues to threaten civilians on the border of Eastern Chad and Darfur, reports David Buchbinder, a researcher with Human Rights Watch, after three trips to the region. Noting the bureaucratic impasses associated with deploying a United Nations force to the region and the lack of security for humanitarian operations, David believes that the prospects for peace and security are far off.
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Page 4 of 7 pages « First < 2 3 4 5 6 > Last »
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