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A bi-weekly audio series and podcast service, hosted by Committee on Conscience Project Director Bridget Conley-Zilkic, that brings you the voices of human rights defenders, experts, advocates, and government officials. Vital voices addressing one of humanity's most vital issues. The opinions expressed in these interviews do not necessarily represent those of the Museum.
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1/11/07
12/26/06
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Sudanese President Bashir sent a letter to Kofi Annan over the weekend in order to "clarify" Khartoum's position on a hybrid AU-UN civilian protection force. As details emerge, the missive appears to be one more (and, for Annan, perhaps the last) episode in an endless exercise in difference splitting that has left millions of Darfurians without meaningful protection as calamity threatens. From Reuters: Diplomats who have seen the letter, distributed to members of the 15-nation U.N. Security Council on Tuesday, said that while Bashir's message contained positive elements, it was not clear whether it represented a real step forward in putting the plan into effect. In particular, Bashir is asserting that any mission be under the control of a "Tripartite Committee" comprising the UN, AU and . . . Khartoum. This would give Khartoum an effective veto over any steps taken by a hybrid force. Is this demand perhaps a step toward shaping the environment in which Khartoum's claim to head the AU beginning in January will be negotiated? Trade chairmanship of the AU for Tripartite Committee control of a hybrid force? Or vice-versa? After all, it's just a matter of splitting the difference . . . To paraphrase an old saying from the Cold War, Khartoum is playing chess while everyone else seems to be playing checkers.
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12/22/06
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If you've read this blog for a while, you'll have gathered that I'm not Kofi Annan's biggest fan. My main complaint is that in the battle between his heart and his bureaucratic instincts, the latter too often have prevailed. But he said something today in his farewell to the Security Council that bears highlighting: While change for the worse is often dramatic, change for the better is generally incremental. This notion can unfortunately be an alibi for complacency for people in positions like Annan's; nevertheless, it's true. And we can't give in to despair because change is slower than we would like. I'm reminded of a passage I once read in a book: "It is said that the seeds found in the tombs of the Pharoahs still germinated. Nothing is ever lost." Quite simply, we can't give up.
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12/22/06
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As mentioned earlier this week, Kofi Annan dispatched Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah as a special envoy to Khartoum in what Annan called "one last effort to clarify the agreement" on deployment of a hybrid UN-AU force in Darfur. Sudanese President Bashir is probably wondering just what part of "no" needs to be clarified.
Anyway, Annan told the Security Council today, in what is probably his last meeting with them before his term ends at the end of this year, that reports from Ould-Abdallah encourage me to think we may tomorrow receive a green light from President Bashir for a full ceasefire, a renewed effort to bring all parties into the political process, and deployment of the proposed hybrid African Union-United Nations force to protect the population. Then, recalling the regime he is dealing with, he added But, we will need to see the document that Mr. Ould-Abdallah will bring. "Need to see the document," indeed. Later in the day, AP reported that [t]he Sudanese government has agreed to a U.N. peacekeeping role in the troubled Darfur region, but in a mission with mostly African Union troops and an African commander, a Foreign Ministry spokesman said Friday.
Sadeq al-Magli didn't specify how many troops would be accepted but said the U.N. would mainly provide technical assistance, consultants and military and police experts. He added that the force would be commanded by the African Union. If accurate, this "clarification" doesn't reflect much change from the previous Sudanese rejection of a hybrid force of around 20,000 troops. And what al-Magli is describing will not provide any additional protection to civilians in Darfur. 
(Photo of Omar al-Bashir © IRIN)
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12/21/06
12/18/06
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As Kofi Annan's remaining time in office dwindles from weeks into days (13, if you're counting), he's still working to pull a rabbit out of the hat on Darfur. In part, this reflects a recognition that -- Nobel Peace Prize notwithstanding -- his resume is marred by the unenviable trifecta of Rwanda, Srebrenica and Darfur. And in part, it probably reflects his sincere feeling that Darfur is the most urgent problem he can deal with before his tenure comes to a close. So he announced Monday that he is sending one of the UN's most skilled diplomats, Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah, to Khartoum to have words with Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir. The UN press release rather hopefully describes Ould-Abdallah's mission as being to "clarify details of the deal" agreed to last month in Addis Ababa that ostensibly provided for a "hybrid" UN-AU force. The first thing he'll need to clarify is whether there was any deal at all, because al-Bashir has been fairly consistent in denying any agreement on a hybrid force.
(Photo of Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah © UN Photo/Evan Schneider)
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12/06/06
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As the UN undertakes a "mass evacuation" of aid workers from El-Fasher, the capital of North Darfur, outgoing UN humanitarian chief Jan Egeland tells AP the the aid operation in Darfur, eastern Chad and norther Central African Republic "is in a free fall. It's not a steady deterioration. It's a free fall." When asked about the consequences of this free fall, he replied, We would get a genocide. We would get a Rwanda. We could get a terrible situation if the four million people who are in need of humanitarian assistance in Darfur (are) joined by a million people in Chad and another million in northern Central African Republic. That's six million people in a totally hopeless situation. Egeland has done everything he can in his final days in office to convey the enormity of the threatened catastrophe. But as the free fall picks up speed, no progress has been made in providing more protection to civilians. Says Egeland, At the moment I think it's more than sad to see that grown men with jackets and ties like me sit and quarrel of what is a 'hybrid force' . . . while women and children are dying. . . . I'm happy to note that in nine months we might have this force, but what about the next nine days where it could collapse completely?
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12/04/06
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That would be Kofi Annan's with the BBC. Here's what he has to say about Darfur: BBC: Another big challenge for you: the situation in Darfur. Many say that Darfur has proven that the United Nations cannot stop genocide.
Kofi Annan: Who and what is the United Nations? The United Nations are the member states.
BBC: The Security Council.
Kofi Annan: Your government and mine.
BBC: It's been going on for three years, more than 200,000 people have died, two to three million have been displaced.
Kofi Annan: I'm not disputing the gravity of the situation. We've been pushing very hard to get peacekeepers in.
BBC: One of the big successes of UN reform was this Responsibility to Protect. But you're not protecting - it's been three years.
Kofi Annan: I myself have made that point, that member states made a solemn pledge to protect. Sudan has made it quite clear to the whole world that it will not accept UN peacekeepers. The resolution says we should deploy the troops with the cooperation and consent of the Sudanese. If the Sudanese do not give their consent, no government, not yours or mine, is going to give troops for a peacekeeping operation in Darfur.
BBC: So, people said after Rwanda, after Srebrenica, "never again". But it's happening again.
Kofi Annan: It is deeply, deeply disappointing and it's tragic but we do not have the resources or the will to confront the situation - as in, If you did it, would you make the situation worse, or would it be better? I mean, I have gone out and indicated to the Sudanese that if they cannot protect their people, and they are refusing to let the international community come in and assist, they will be held individually and collectively responsible for what is happening and what happens.
BBC: We're told that you're going to make this one of your priorities to the day that you leave, on 31 December.
Kofi Annan: You mean Darfur? I've told you, it's very tragic and painful, not only [to me] as secretary general but as a human being and as an African, and I hope all of us feel that way. I'm going to work on it - Darfur and one or two other issues which I'm working on - up until the last day. (Photo © MONUC)
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11/30/06
11/29/06
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Kofi Annan is not quite ready yet to give up on the UN Human Rights Council, but he realizes there's a serious problem. In what for him are very pointed remarks, he told the Council today that Darfur is "a glaring case" that needs scrutiny. Explicitly acknowledging the utter disaster of the Council's first five months of existence, he concluded: A new atmosphere is vitally needed. . . . It is not too late to make this new beginning worthy of the hopes that humanity has placed in it. Some critics have rushed to a premature judgement. Now is the time, for those members from all regions of the world who are truly dedicated to a strong and effective Council, to prove them wrong. Louise Arbour, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, also addressed the Council regarding a number of issues, including human rights in the Middle East, Haiti, Nepal, Iraq, Sri Lanka and Darfur. On Darfur, she didn't mention yesterday's farce of a resolution, but did explicitly articulate the severity of the situation and assess responsibility: [T]he Government of the Sudan and militias aligned with them, and some still actively supported by them, continue to be responsible for the most serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. The crisis in Darfur has also spilled over into Chad and the Central African Republic. Attacks similar to those carried out by armed groups in Darfur have resulted in the death of scores of civilians, and massive displacement in eastern Chad.
Attacks on villages, killing of civilians, rape and the forced displacement of tens of thousands of civilians go on unabated, and have now reached in Darfur the horrific levels of early 2004. Violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law are also being committed by rebel groups. On 22 November the United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator, Jan Egeland, reported that 4 million people are now in need of emergency assistance. The number of internally displaced persons has risen to an unprecedented 2 million. The situation, he stressed, is worse than in 2004. The ongoing atrocities must stop.
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11/23/06
11/20/06
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While not much is going well in Darfur, this weekend, the major newspapers did a nice job covering the situation. New York Times Columnist, Nick Kristof, just back from the region, continues to report tirelessly on the situation. On Sunday, his powerful column addressed the problem he and so many others that report on the situation confront: readers that believe journalists should not be devoting time and coverage to far away places. Kristof addressed the complaints of one woman named Marguerite:You have other priorities, I know, and so do we all. But our indifference has already allowed Halima to be gang-raped twice and her sister murdered in the first genocide of the 21st century. So, Marguerite, look Halima in the eye, and decide if you’re willing to turn away as she is slaughtered, or how many more times you’re willing to allow her to be raped. A video of Halima’s story can be found here.
My friend John Prendergast from the International Crisis Group wrote a disturbing piece in the Outlook Section of Sunday’s Washington Post. He reasons that the Administration’s dependence on counterterrorism intelligence from Sudan has had a huge impact on the Administration’s response to the genocide in Darfur:…to address both the administration's counterterrorism and human rights goals will require overcoming policy inertia and ignorance about the nature of the Khartoum regime -- two requirements perhaps beyond the reach of Bush's current team. And then my friend Julie Flint, a longtime Sudan advocate, writes in the Washington Post about the confusion often made by the media that in Sudan, Arabs = bad guys. While the Janjaweed are drawn from Arab tribes, this is not a conflict that pits all Arabs against non Arabs:The incurious reporting that has reduced the war to a simple morality tale, an African "Lord of the Rings," equates Janjaweed with Arab, and especially Abbala. But only a minority of Darfur's 300,000 or so Abbala have joined the 20,000 to 30,000 Janjaweed. Most have refused to contribute soldiers, well aware that good relations with their non-Arab neighbors are more important than an alliance with an uncaring government hundreds of miles away. And breaking off the pages of the newspaper and the television screens, tonight the Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington will launch “Darfur: Who Will Survive Today?” by projecting large-scale images from Chad and Darfur onto the exterior walls of the memorial. If you can’t make it tonight, be sure to check out the webcast.
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11/17/06
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When you opened your newspaper or turned on CNN this morning, you were probably surprised and somewhat curious about the newly proposed hybrid/interim force that emerged out of discussions with AU, Arab League and African officials this week. It appears that both sides are engaging in some serious spin. The Sudanese government is saying it’s a victory - -no blue helmets. Abdulmahmoud Abduhaleem, Sudan’s UN envoy, said:This is a new plan that can be largely accepted by Sudan and takes 1706 to the graveyard," he said, referring to the number of Security Council resolution that the authorized the UN force. "1706 is dead." This would be a "very special type of operation" with the UN "paying for the AU to do the job. Meanwhile, the United Nations and others claim victory. National Security Council spokesman Gordon Johndroe said:This agreement paves the way for a joint AU/UN peacekeeping force for Darfur composed primarily of and led by Africans, and commanded, supported and funded by the UN. On November 24th, Sudan will outline their demands for this force at the AU peace and security meeting in the Congo, demonstrating that they hold the reigns of control. Diplomats said AU and U.N. officials will meet with the rebels who did not sign the peace deal in the next two weeks.
I think ultimately the effectiveness of whatever force is deployed will depend on three things: troop size, command structure and mandate. Already there is disagreement. Kofi Annan is calling for 17,000 troops and 3,000 police from Africa under U.N control structure, while Sudan claims that 12,000 troops would be enough. Earlier Thursday, Sudanese Foreign Minister Lam Akol said his government was willing to allow some international logistical support for the AU mission in Darfur but would never accept UN command of the force. And, asked by reporters about the possibility of blue-helmeted UN peacekeepers in Darfur, he replied simply "No."
With Annan retiring from his post in less than two months and Sudan mincing words (not to mention a long history of failing to comply with peace agreements) many question whether this mission will get carried out as intended. How much longer do the people of Darfur have to wait? I have been saying for three years, time is not on their side.
(Photo of African Union Peacekeepers in South Darfur © Derk Segaar/IRIN)
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11/02/06
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Interview:
Andrew Natsios, President Bush's newly appointed Special Envoy to Sudan, presents a hopeful outlook on the situation in Darfur, and throughout Sudan. Special Envoy Natsios claims that in his talks with the government in Khartoum, officials stated that Sudan may be willing to accept troops from North Africa and other Muslim countries, to allow logistic and planning supplementation from the United Nations, and to make amendmendments to the Darfur Peace Agreement to broaden its appeal to all parties. He shared his opinions and findings from his most recent trip to Darfur with President Bush this past week.
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10/26/06
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